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An Examination of Bush Fascism

Tj Templeton, founder/director Project for the Old American Century

The expansion of democracy in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries intensified the antidemocratic reaction of conservative authoritarianism. Starting first in Italy as an antidemocratic and antisocialist movement after WWI, fascism is in essence the twentieth century version of age old tendencies in politics. Like democracy, it is a universal phenomenon, and it appeared in different forms and varieties in accordance with national traditions and circumstances.

Fascism is a postdemocratic political system and cannot be understood except as a reaction to democracy. Fascism is not possible in countries with no democratic experience at all: in such countries dictatorship may be based on the army, bureaucracy, and church, but it will lack the element of mass enthusiasm and participation characteristic of fascism. Fascism learned from democracy the value of popular support for national policies, and it sought to manufacture popular support by propaganda and fear. Evidence of this manipulation of fear can be seen both in the color-coded terror alert system, the false statements made to the U.N. before the invasion of Iraq, and this video montage of the Republican National Convention (.mov file)

True democracy holds respect for all views, left and right, and all citizens are allowed a political voice free from persecution for their political views. The United States' slide towards fascism began with the elimination of the far left from the political dialogue. To date, the socialist and communist factions of our society have been all but silenced, and currently even the most timid of liberalism has been demonized. The only recognizable elements of our current political discourse are the centrists and the extreme far right. The philosophy of truly liberal democrats such as Dennis Kucinich and the deceased Paul Wellstone exists now on the fringe of American politics. This comes in sharp contrast to the time when the American communist party inflamed workers to form labor unions and worker protections and ideas such as the Social Security program were adopted from the Socialist party platform. The uber-"patriotic" right-wing support your troops crowd might be shocked to learn that the Pledge of Allegiance was written by a socialist.

There is no Little red book or manifesto of fascism; it cannot be gathered from one systematic treatise but must be culled from various sources that express thought and opinion as much as political philosophy. For this reason, the Project for the Old American Century has compiled a table comparing the research done by three critics of fascism. Each writer has detailed 14 defining characteristics of fascism pulled from the examination of the regimes of Mussolini, Pinochet, Franco, Hitler, Suharto, and others. The order has been slightly rearranged to better reflect the similarities and discrepancies:

Laurence Britt: 14 defining characteristics of fascism	Umberto Ecco: Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt	"Dino Louis": The Nature of Fascism and its precursors excerpted from the book The 15% Solution: A Political History of American Fascism, 2001-2022
1. Powerful and continuing expressions of nationalism: Catchy slogans, pride in the military, and demands for unity were common themes in expressing this nationalism. It was usually coupled with a suspicion of things foreign that often bordered on xenophobia.	1. To people who feel deprived of a clear social identity, Ur-Fascism says that their only privilege is the most common one, to be born in the same country: This is the origin of nationalism.	1. There may or may not be a single charismatic leader in charge of the government, i.e., a "dictator".
		2. Government establishes and enforces the rules of "right" thinking, "right" action, and "right" religious devotion.
2. Disdain for the importance of human rights: Through clever use of propaganda, the population was brought to accept these human rights abuses by marginalizing, even demonizing, those being targeted. When abuse was egregious, the tactic was to use secrecy, denial, and disinformation.	2. For Ur-Fascism there is no struggle for life but, rather, life is lived for struggle: Since enemies have to be defeated, there must be a final battle, after which the movement will have control of the world. But such "final solutions" implies a further era of peace, a Golden Age	3. There is no constitution recognized by all political forces as having an authority beyond that stated by the government in power, to which that government is subject. The rule of men, not law, is supreme.
		4. Official or unofficial force, internal terror, and routine torture of captured opponents are major means of government control.
3. Identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause: The most significant common thread among these regimes was the use of scapegoating as a means to divert the people’s attention from other problems, to shift blame for failures, and to channel frustration in controlled directions.	3. The followers must feel humiliated by their enemies: by shifting of rhetorical focus, the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak.	5.The fascist takeover of the government of a major power always leads to foreign war, sooner or later.
	4. Ur-Fascism derives from individual or social frustration: one of the most typical features of the historical fascism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class
4. The supremacy of the military/avid militarism: Ruling elites always identified closely with the military and the industrial infrastructure that supported it. A disproportionate share of national resources was allocated to the military, even when domestic needs were acute	5. Elitism is a typical insofar as it is fundamentally aristocratic, and aristocratic and militaristic elitism cruelly implies contempt for the weak.
	6. Everybody is educated to become a hero. The Ur-Fascist hero craves heroic death, advertised as the best reward for a heroic life.
5. Rampant sexism: Beyond the simple fact that the political elite and the national culture were male-dominated, these regimes inevitably viewed women as second-class citizens. They were adamantly anti-abortion and also homophobic.	7. The fascist transfers his will to sexual matters: Implying both disdain for women and intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard sexual habits, from chastity to homosexuality).	6. Racism, homophobia, misogyny, and national chauvinism are major factors in national politics and policy-making.
	8. Disagreement is a sign of diversity. Thus Ur-Fascism is racist by definition.
6. A controlled mass media: Methods included the control of licensing and access to resources, economic pressure, appeals to patriotism, and implied threats. The leaders of the mass media were often politically compatible with the power elite.	9. Ur-Fascism speaks Newspeak: All the Nazi or Fascist schoolbooks made use of an impoverished vocabulary, and an elementary syntax, in order to limit the instruments for complex and critical reasoning.	7. All communications media are government-owned or otherwise government-controlled.
7. Obsession with national security: It was usually an instrument of oppression, operating in secret and beyond any constraints. Its actions were justified under the rubric of protecting “national security,” and questioning its activities was portrayed as unpatriotic or even treasonous.	10. The critical spirit makes distinctions, and to distinguish is a sign of modernism: disagreement is treason.	8. Built as it on terror, repression, and an ultimately fictional/delusional representation of historical, political, and economic reality, fascism is inherently unstable and always carries with it the seeds of its own destruction. To date, such seeds have always sprouted in a relatively short period of time.
8. Religion and ruling elite tied together: . Propaganda kept up the illusion that the ruling elites were defenders of the faith and opponents of the “godless.” A perception was manufactured that opposing the power elite was tantamount to an attack on religion.	11. The first feature of Ur-Fascism is the cult of tradition: there can be no advancement of learning. Truth already has been spelled out once and for all, and we can only keep interpreting its obscure message.	9. There are few or no employee rights or protections, including the right of workers to bargain collectively. Only government approved labor unions or associations are permitted to exist, and that approval may be removed at any time, without prior notice.
9. Power of corporations protected: Members of the economic elite were often pampered by the political elite to ensure a continued mutuality of interests, especially in the repression of “have-not” citizens.	12. Ur-Fascism is based upon a selective populism, a qualitative populism, one might say: In a democracy, the citizens have individual rights, but the citizens in their entirety have a political impact only from a quantitative point of view -- one follows the decisions of the majority. For Ur-Fascism, however, individuals as individuals have no rights, and the People is conceived as a quality, a monolithic entity expressing the Common Will. Since no large quantity of human beings can have a common will, the Leader pretends to be their interpreter.
10. Power of labor suppressed or eliminated: Since organized labor was seen as the one power center that could challenge the political hegemony of the ruling elite and its corporate allies, it was inevitably crushed or made powerless.		10. The economy is based on capitalism, with a tight central control of the distribution of resources among the producers, and strict limitations on the free market for labor.
11. Disdain and suppression of intellectuals and the arts: Universities were tightly controlled; politically unreliable faculty harassed or eliminated. Unorthodox ideas or expressions of dissent were strongly attacked, silenced, or crushed. To these regimes, art and literature should serve the national interest or they had no right to exist.	13. Traditionalism implies the rejection of modernism: The rejection of the modern world was disguised as a rebuttal of the capitalistic way of life. The Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, is seen as the beginning of modern depravity. In this sense Ur-Fascism can be defined as irrationalism.	11. All entertainment, music, art, and organized sport is controlled by the government.
12. Obsession with crime and punishment: Most of these regimes maintained Draconian systems of criminal justice with huge prison populations. The police were often glorified and had almost unchecked power, leading to rampant abuse.		12. There is no recognition of inherent personal rights. Only the government can grant "rights". Any "rights" granted by the government may be diminished or removed by it from any individual or group at any time without prior notice, explanation, or judicial review. Thus, there is no presumed freedom of speech, press, religion, or even belief, automatically accompanying citizenship. There are no inherent or presumed protections against any violations of personal liberty committed by law-enforcement or other government agencies.
13. Rampant cronyism and corruption: Those in business circles and close to the power elite often used their position to enrich themselves. This corruption worked both ways; the power elite would receive financial gifts and property from the economic elite, who in turn would gain the benefit of government favoritism.	14. Irrationalism also depends on the cult of action for action's sake: Action being beautiful in itself, it must be taken before, or without, reflection.
14. Fraudulent elections: When actual elections with candidates were held, they would usually be perverted by the power elite to get the desired result. Common methods included maintaining control of the election machinery, intimidating and disenfranchising opposition voters, destroying or disallowing legal votes, and, as a last resort, turning to a judiciary beholden to the power elite.	Ur-Fascism is based upon a selective populism, a qualitative populism, one might say: In a democracy, the citizens have individual rights, but the citizens in their entirety have a political impact only from a quantitative point of view -- one follows the decisions of the majority. For Ur-Fascism, however, individuals as individuals have no rights, and the People is conceived as a quality, a monolithic entity expressing the Common Will. Since no large quantity of human beings can have a common will, the Leader pretends to be their interpreter.	13. There is complete executive branch control of government policy and action. There is no independent judicial or legislative branch of government.
		14. There is only one political party, and no mass organizations of any kind other than those approved by the government are permitted.

The hallmark of fascism is a merging of state and corporate power coupled with the transfer of power from the individual to the government and corporate elite. It is for this reason that liberals as a whole must be purged or at the very least, marginalized. Taking a look at the liberal achievements of the past century reveals a common theme. The civil rights movement, equal rights movement, free speech movement, environmental movement, the labor movement, and others all have one thing in common: They put power in the hands of the individual. This is incompatible with the fascist ideal of the transfer of power to the state elite and the individual serving as the raw material for the state machine to function on. Most often, fascist propaganda places the lump sum of the blame for a nations troubles on the shoulders of the liberals. It's worth noting that in Nazi Germany the communists, labor organizers, and liberals were purged before the gays, Jews, gypsies, and homosexuals.

The merging of American state and corporate power can best be seen by the efforts of the "K Street Project". The K Street Project is a project by the Republican Party to pressure Washington lobbying firms to hire Republicans in top positions, and to reward loyal GOP lobbyists with access to influential officials. It was launched in 1995, by Republican strategist Grover Norquist and House Majority Leader Tom DeLay. The success of the K Street Project has so comfortably placed legislative power in the hands of the corporate elite, that now lobbyists are authoring bills to suit their industry and shopping them to corporate friendly Congress members.

Another prominent feature of the fascist temper and outlook is irrationalism, the distrust of reason, and the stress on controlling the uncontrollable. This can be easily identified in the Global War on Terror. Terror, being a technique and abstract concept, is not a rational enemy. Nor is it rational to think that "terrorism", being a response to American and western corporate, economic, and military incursions on foreign soil could be defeated by more corporate, economic, and military incursions. World scholars, our allies, and even American military brass have pointed out repeatedly, that the invasion and occupation of Iraq has increased the recruitment and instances of terrorists and terrorist attacks worldwide. While failing to eliminate "terrorism", the Global War on Terror has served to fuel Islamic anti-American activities and vastly increase the very apparatus that they are warring against: U.S. military and corporate hegemony.

An additional example of this irrationalism can be seen in the child-like explanation the Bush leadership has given for Islamic fundamentalists taking up arms against us. "They hate our freedom". "Evil doers". This silly sound byte makes one wonder why, if they hate freedom, are they not attacking the countries of Northern Europe or Canada.

The psychological mood of fascism is jingoism and a lack of skeptical reflection. Because of its basic irrationalism, fascism has "taboo issues" (such as race, the dogma of the party, or the personality of the "leader") that must not be critically discussed. We see this in the complete absence of debate regarding the seven words you will never hear spoken in mainstream media or on capital hill: The Project for the New American Century. While the PNAC has its own website and has published its papers outlining its plan for military and corporate global domination, the organization is never spoken of in mainstream media. The refusal of the opposition democratic party to unite and publicly address and renounce the Project for the New American Century is alarming, to say the least.

The Project for the New American Century was established in 1997 by Robert Kagan and William Kristol and funded by three foundations closely tied to Persian Gulf oil and weapons and defense industries. Calling themselves, "Neoconservatives" this small group of ideologues penned a Statement of Principles outlining their plan for a New American Century wherein the United States, as the world's lone superpower would use its military might to topple regimes in the middle East and elsewhere that were unfriendly to U.S. corporate interests. On their website you can read their document Rebuilding America’s Defenses ( .pdf format ). According to this document (page 52). "The process of transformation," the plan said, "is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event - like a new Pearl Harbor." American Free Press asked Christopher Maletz, asst. director of the PNAC about what was meant by the "need for a new Pearl Harbor": "They needed more money to up the defense budget for raises, new arms, and future capabilities," Maletz said. "Without some disaster or catastrophic event," neither the politicians nor the military would have approved. The first leg of the PNAC imperialistic agenda was to secure the oil supply of the Middle East. As far back as 1998 The PNAC was pressuring President Bill Clinton for the invasion of Iraq. Nearly all of the top levels of the Whitehouse and Pentagon have been or still are members of this fascist organization.

Dick Cheney Vice President

Donald Rumsfeld Secretary of Defense

I. Lewis Libby Vice President Cheney’s Chief of Staff and Assistant to the Vice President for National Security Affairs.

Aaron Friedberg Vice President Cheney’s deputy National Security advisor

Robert Zoelick US Deputy Secretary of State

Paula Dobriansky Undersecretary of State

Elliott Abrams Deputy National Security Adviser

Frank Gaffney Pentagon's Defense Policy Board

Fred C. Ikle Pentagon's Defense Policy Board

Eliot A. Cohen Pentagon's Defense Policy Board

Henry S. Rowen Pentagon's Defense Policy Board

William J. Bennett Presidential speech writer

Jeb Bush Governor of Florida

Paul Wolfowitz World Bank President

John Bolton Ambassador to the U.N.

The code of fascist behavior affirms the values of violence and the lie (.mp3 format). Because it distrusts reason and rejects universally valid standards of conduct, fascism does not hesitate to use any means necessary to achieve its aims. Even if it means allowing terrorist attacks and the massive loss of human life. For the same reason, fascism is ready to sacrifice the individual to the state: in the fascist view, the state is the end and the individual is the means. The exact opposite of the democratic philosophy. The agenda for the PNAC is not the will of the people, but rather the will of the people (means) had to be coerced to meet the end (American corporate global domination enforced by violence).

The fascist acceptance of inequality and violence naturally results in the theory and practice of government by an elite: some men are born to rule, and others to obey. Fascist regimes are undemocratic, not because they lack the support of the people (in some instances, this support may be wholehearted), but because they rule independently* of popular consent, without a free party system, and without free elections and a free press. The leadership principle is the extreme form of the fascist elite concept, and it fully expresses the irrational character of fascist politics: The leader is typically considered infallible, endowed with extraordinary religious or special insight, and he personifies the nation. In a conflict of opinion between the leader and the people, the will of the leader prevails.

Because fascism is not only a political system, but a way of life, it employs authority rather than discussion in all spheres of activity, both political (heavy reliance on recess appointments and executive orders) and the non-political; be it a woman on a feeding tube in Florida, or a persons sex life and reproductive choices. Fascism is typically antifeminist in public life and also supports strong paternal authority in the family, over both wife and children. The father is the "leader of the family". In the schools, discipline is the supreme value inculcated into the hearts and minds of children, and the educational program is little more than a prelude to military service. Shades of this can be seen in the little-known clause in the no-child-left-behind bill that requires schools to give military recruiters the personal information of their students or risk financial punishment by losing federal funds. See also Who's Next? from the September 12, 2005 issue of the Nation and this piece about the "Young Marines" program..

In industry, authority takes the place between free bargaining between capital and labor. This can be seen in the recent suspension of the Davis Bacon Act in the aftermath of hurricane Katrina on the Gulf Coast and the relentless assault on the power and authority of labor unions. Officially, the fascist state is impartial between capitalists and workers; yet the war cemeteries of fascist nations are filled with the bodies of the employees rather than the employers.

Relying on authority and obedience, fascism attracts not only those who want to command, but those who long to obey. In every society there are those who would rather follow and obey than to think for themselves and assume responsibilities, and the "escape from freedom" or the "burden of democracy" is one of the chief psychological conditions of the spread of fascism. Typically, those who long to obey are the most active and militant and cloak themselves in the regalia of a false patriotism.

In the international field, racism and imperialism express the two fundamental fascist principles of inequality and violence. Just as, within the nation, the elite is superior to the rest and may impose its will by violence, so between the nations the "elite nation" is considered superior to the others and entitled to rule them by force. As a result, fascism is opposed to international organization and world peace: It "believes neither in the possibility nor in the utility of perpetual peace," Mussolini says, because "war alone brings up to their highest tension all human energies and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to meet it." Moreover, fascism is opposed to international organizations for two other reasons: they recognize in some measure the principle of equality among nations, and second, they seek to institute government by discussion on an international plane. Neither aim is compatible with the fascist theory of politics.

The practice of the "elite nation" considered superior to the others and entitled to rule them by force can be seen in the overthrow of Aristide in Haiti, the installation of an Unocal consultant and CIA operative to rule Afghanistan following their overthrow, and most recently the American corporate rule over Iraq.

Though the Geneva Conventions outlaw the overthrow of a sovereign nation and forcing them to rewrite their constitution or writing it for them, the best example of this "international elitism" are the edicts handed over by L. Paul Bremer and the Coalition Provision Authority before power was handed over to the Iraqi puppet regime. CPA Order No. #39 amended by Order 46 issued and effective on September 19, 2003, has significantly opened the Iraqi market by permitting 100 percent foreign ownership and management of Iraqi business entities except in natural resources sectors, including oil, and with respect to insurance companies. Oil and insurance will be handled specifically by US appointed bodies -editor

In general, a foreign investor shall be treated on terms no less favorable than those applicable to Iraqi investors. There is no limit on the amount of foreign participation in a new or existing business entity, which can be wholly owned by a foreign investor or owned jointly with an Iraqi investor. The CPA also published Order No. 64 which significantly changed Iraqi company law to allow any Iraqi or foreign person or legal entity to establish or own an interest in a company in Iraq. A foreign investor may establish a branch office, manage the entity, and transfer abroad all funds associated with the investment, including profits and proceeds from the sale of. I like to call this the Walmartization of Iraq, in the same way that Walmart can come to your town, ruin local business and the local economy, ultimately to send their profits back to Bentonville, Arkansas, companies from the occupying countries of Iraq can do the same to the Iraqi people.

Equally important is Order 81:
As part of sweeping "economic restructuring" implemented by the Bush Administration in Iraq, Iraqi farmers will no longer be permitted to save their seeds. Instead, they will be forced to buy seeds from US corporations -- which can include seeds the Iraqis themselves developed over hundreds of years. That is because in recent years, transnational corporations have patented and now own many seed varieties originated or developed by indigenous peoples. In a short time, Iraq will be living under the new American credo: Pay Monsanto, or starve.

Finally, regarding Iraq, the Bush administration has of course tried to crush Iraqi labor unions.

The United States is not a fascist nation nor is the republican party a fascist party. The conclusion drawn here is that a small cadre of corporate elite have formed a fascist organization which has usurped the United States government through a questionable election and sympathetic court, installed their members in the top levels of the executive, diplomatic, and military offices, and have hijacked the nations policy to fit their fascist agenda. If actions are not taken to end and reverse this trend, the United States will meet the inevitable collapse met by all fascist regimes.

For a further list of examples of Bush policy regarding fascist politics see the 14 points of fascism.

*Audio of the republicans cheating on a house vote (mp3 format about 7 minutes compliments of Rhandi Rhodes and Air America)

Audio of Republican chair of the judiciary committee shutting down a democratic hearing regarding the Patriot Act Compliments of Randi Rhodes and Air America ( .mp3 format 14 minutes) . Part 2 (.mp3 format, 3 minutes) added 6-10-05

Primary Sources:

William Ebenstein, Alan Ebenstein. Great Political Thinkers: chapter 31: Fascism

Bertram Gross. Friendly Fascism

Secondary sources:

Andrews, Kevin. Greece in the Dark. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1980. Chabod, Frederico. A History of Italian Fascism. London: Weidenfeld, 1963. Cooper, Marc. Pinochet and Me. New York: Verso, 2001. Cornwell, John. Hitler as Pope. New York: Viking, 1999. de Figuerio, Antonio. Portugal—Fifty Years of Dictatorship. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1976. Eatwell, Roger. Fascism, A History. New York: Penguin, 1995. Fest, Joachim C. The Face of the Third Reich. New York: Pantheon, 1970. Gallo, Max. Mussolini’s Italy. New York: MacMillan, 1973. Kershaw, Ian. Hitler (two volumes). New York: Norton, 1999. Laqueur, Walter. Fascism, Past, Present, and Future. New York: Oxford, 1996. Papandreau, Andreas. Democracy at Gunpoint. New York: Penguin Books, 1971. Phillips, Peter. Censored 2001: 25 Years of Censored News. New York: Seven Stories. 2001. Sharp, M.E. Indonesia Beyond Suharto. Armonk, 1999. Verdugo, Patricia. Chile, Pinochet, and the Caravan of Death. Coral Gables, Florida: North-South Center Press, 2001. Yglesias, Jose. The Franco Years. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1977.

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